{"id":2046,"date":"2017-08-01T11:07:34","date_gmt":"2017-08-01T15:07:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/intergentes.com\/?page_id=2046"},"modified":"2023-01-02T20:09:34","modified_gmt":"2023-01-03T01:09:34","slug":"home-issue-2","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/intergentes.com\/es\/","title":{"rendered":"p\u00e1gina principal"},"content":{"rendered":"
[vc_row][vc_column][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb10″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column border_color=\u00bb#ffffff\u00bb css=\u00bb.vc_custom_1446438173007{padding-top: 10px !important;padding-right: 10px !important;padding-bottom: 10px !important;padding-left: 10px !important;background-color: #ffffff !important;}\u00bb][mk_edge_slider swiper_bg=\u00bb#ffffff\u00bb orderby=\u00bbpost__in\u00bb full_height=\u00bbfalse\u00bb height=\u00bb430″ slideshow_speed=\u00bb10000″ direction_nav=\u00bbslit\u00bb pagination=\u00bbsmall_dot_stroke\u00bb skip_arrow=\u00bbfalse\u00bb slides=\u00bb3903, 3914, 3915, 3859, 3697, 3444, 3376, 3350, 3351, 3349, 3037, 3038, 3036, 2223″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb7″ margin_bottom=\u00bb0″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column css=\u00bb.vc_custom_1531004774369{padding-top: 10px !important;padding-right: 35px !important;padding-bottom: 10px !important;padding-left: 35px !important;background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}\u00bb][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb10″][vc_column_text css=\u00bb.vc_custom_1662058903120{margin-bottom: 0px !important;}\u00bb]\n

Vol\u00famen 3 | N\u00famero 1<\/h1>\n[\/vc_column_text][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb10″][vc_column_text]\n

Indice<\/strong><\/h2>\n[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text css=\u00bb.vc_custom_1662058896704{margin-bottom: 0px !important;}\u00bb]Between Intra-Group Vulnerability and Inter-Group Vulnerability: Bridging the Gaps in the Theoretical Scholarship on Internal Minorities<\/a><\/strong>
\nMiriam Zucker \u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]The scholarship on internal minorities has generated different proposals for addressing concerns about the oppressive impacts of minority cultures\u2019 practices on their more vulnerable members. Critical reflection on this scholarship reveals that it is characterized by a rigid binary choice between an interventionist approach \u2013 seeking to eradicate cultural practices that contradict liberal values and norms \u2013 and a laissez-faire approach that rejects interference in cultural minority communities\u2019 affairs and instead relies on the right of minority members to exit their community. Despite these two approaches dominating the scholarship, both options under this binary are detached from the interests and needs of minority women. Rarely do women and girls benefit from putting their family members in jail under the interventionist approach, while leaving the community under the laissez-faire approach is either impossible or undesired (or both) because it often requires the individual to \u201cleave her whole world behind.\u201d<\/p>\n

This paper demonstrates that this binary stems from the fact that scholars have not accounted for the role of the state in the problem of intra-group vulnerability, and illuminates how when one does, one notices other options that better align with women and girls\u2019 interests and needs.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb0″][vc_column_text css=\u00bb.vc_custom_1671508076196{margin-bottom: 0px !important;}\u00bb]Customary Law Revivalism: Seven Phases in the Evolution of Customary Law in Sub-Saharan Africa<\/a><\/strong>
\nRaymond Atuguba\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]Customary Law has been, is, and will be the law in Africa. In this article, I seek to leverage quite innocuous but deeply significant happenings in Customary Law\u2019s uneasy journey in Africa to the status of signposts. These seven signposts, representing many phases in the evolution of Customary Law and spanning several centuries, have greatly influenced the lives of Africans, African leadership and thought, African politics, African development and persons living in Africa in many critical domains. What is more, Customary Law still controls a sizeable chunk of what constitutes the ordinary daily lives of Africans. Over the centuries, Customary Law has remained resilient, surviving emasculation by the forces of colonialism, neo-colonialism, and post-modern colonialism, and has rather embedded itself in the deep interstices of Africa\u2019s legal labyrinth. In this, it has benefitted from the unintended consequences of subsidiarity, participatory democracy, and anti-globalisation, three of the most critical aspects of governance in Africa today. The sooner Africans and Africanists paid a deeper and more respectful regard and attention to the phenomenon of Customary Law in all of its mutations, the easier it would be for African societies to make greater social progress.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb0″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb10″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column css=\u00bb.vc_custom_1531004774369{padding-top: 10px !important;padding-right: 35px !important;padding-bottom: 10px !important;padding-left: 35px !important;background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}\u00bb][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb10″][vc_column_text]\n

Vol\u00famen 2 | N\u00famero 2<\/h1>\n[\/vc_column_text][mk_button dimension=\u00bbflat\u00bb corner_style=\u00bbrounded\u00bb size=\u00bblarge\u00bb url=\u00bbhttps:\/\/intergentes.com\/files\/Inter%20Gentes%20_Volume%202_Issue%202_2020.pdf\u00bb]Descargar n\u00famero completo[\/mk_button][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb10″][vc_column_text]\n

Indice<\/strong><\/h2>\n[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]A Counterbalancing Exception: the Refugee Concept as a Normative Idea\u00a0<\/strong><\/a>
\nDana Schmalz\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]The article deliberates upon the substantive overlap between rights protected through the human rights regime and privileges conferred to individuals by international investment agreements. In particular, it should be elaborated whether a State violates both human rights law as well as investment treaty provisions if it is responsible for torturing an individual. Subsequently, it will be discussed what consequences such an overlap would entail and what preconditions a victim of torture must fulfil to use the investor-State dispute settlement system as a means of redress. After a brief introduction into the matter, section two will give the reader a general overview of the most significant investment provisions and explain how individuals can bring a claim against a foreign State using the arbitration mechanism provided for in international investment treaties. Section three will analyse the commission of torture as a violation of investment provisions. Both Full Protection and Security clauses as well as International Minimum Standards will be considered as a possible treaty breach before the section will be concluded with deliberations on a potential application of investor-State dispute settlement in case of torture. Section four describes both the material (investment) and personal (nationality) requirements necessary for a victim of torture to bring a claim against a State through investment arbitration. The article will be completed with concluding remarks and final observations.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb0″][vc_column_text]Using International Investment Arbitration for compensating Victims of Torture<\/strong><\/a>
\nMartin Hemmi\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]The article deliberates upon the substantive overlap between rights protected through the human rights regime and privileges conferred to individuals by international investment agreements. In particular, it should be elaborated whether a State violates both human rights law as well as investment treaty provisions if it is responsible for torturing an individual. Subsequently, it will be discussed what consequences such an overlap would entail and what preconditions a victim of torture must fulfil to use the investor-State dispute settlement system as a means of redress. After a brief introduction into the matter, section two will give the reader a general overview of the most significant investment provisions and explain how individuals can bring a claim against a foreign State using the arbitration mechanism provided for in international investment treaties. Section three will analyse the commission of torture as a violation of investment provisions. Both Full Protection and Security clauses as well as International Minimum Standards will be considered as a possible treaty breach before the section will be concluded with deliberations on a potential application of investor-State dispute settlement in case of torture. Section four describes both the material (investment) and personal (nationality) requirements necessary for a victim of torture to bring a claim against a State through investment arbitration. The article will be completed with concluding remarks and final observations.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb0″][vc_column_text]From State Security to Human Security: The Evolving Nature of the United Nations Security Council\u2019s Jurisdiction
\n<\/strong><\/a>Artem Sergeev and Jen Lee\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]The article explores the changing nature of the concept of international security. It argues that the practice of the United Nations Security Council (\u201cthe UNSC\u201d) is evolving from the protection of State security to the protection of Human Security. The former primarily concerns the protection of territorial integrity and the prohibition on the use of force as traditional components of security under the United Nations Charter. On the other hand, the latter is concerned with a broader set of threats affecting individuals and peoples within a State. Such threats include grave violations of Human Rights, public health emergencies, environmental issues, and other matters that are not directly related to the protection of State sovereignty. The article explores the significance of the shift towards human security and the extent to which the shift is taking place. It suggests that the new model of international security provides a range of benefits for the development of the international legal order, including a timelier response mechanism to a broader range of threats at an international level. In the meantime, the article suggests that the expansion of the concept of international security may still be affected by the traditional political limits of the UNSC.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb0″][vc_column_text]\n

Should Asylum Seeking Minors be Detained?: Understanding International and European Law and Policy and Seeking Alternative Solutions<\/strong><\/a>
\nJeremy Sarkin and Catarina Tavarela\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a><\/p>\n[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]This article deals with the issues concerning the detention of unaccompanied minors. The article examines the circumstances regarding the entry into states by such individuals, and sets out the dangers and problems that such individuals encounter to understand the issues concerning detention and the rights involved. The article analyses the international law involved. The principle of the best interests of the child is surveyed. It is contended that the best interests of the child must be understood to mean that detention is almost never in a child\u2019s best interests where asylum-seeking minors are involved. It is maintained that detention should almost never serve as a last resort for these minors. The jurisprudence involved is examined. The article investigates some of the alternatives to detention. Recommendations are made on a variety of issues, including the need for laws at the regional and national level to ensure compliance with various state obligations.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb0″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb10″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column css=\u00bb.vc_custom_1531227394473{padding-top: 10px !important;padding-right: 35px !important;padding-bottom: 35px !important;padding-left: 35px !important;background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}\u00bb][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb0″ margin_bottom=\u00bb40″][vc_column_text]\n

Vol\u00famen 2 | N\u00famero 1<\/h1>\n[\/vc_column_text][mk_button dimension=\u00bbflat\u00bb corner_style=\u00bbrounded\u00bb size=\u00bblarge\u00bb url=\u00bbhttps:\/\/intergentes.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/11\/vol-2-no-1-final.pdf\u00bb]Descargar n\u00famero completo[\/mk_button][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb0″ margin_bottom=\u00bb40″][vc_column_text]Indice<\/strong><\/p>\n

Reconciliar soberan\u00edas, reconciliar pueblos: debe aplicarse la Carta de Derechos y Libertades de Canad\u00e1 a los gobiernos ind\u00edgenas de derechos inherentes?<\/a>
\nMatt Watson\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]\n

\n

Abstract<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Should the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms apply to constrain the actions of Aboriginal governments in Canada exercising the \u201cinherent right\u201d of self-government? Is the Charter\u2019s application to these governments necessary to secure the human rights of those they govern, or would it amount to a violation of aboriginal sovereignty that, in any case, would do undue violence to the cultural practices and traditions of Aboriginal communities? This article seeks to contribute to the larger debate over how to balance the rights of individuals with the rights of groups by laying out a methodical, clear-eyed analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the major arguments found in the literature for and against the Charter\u2019s application. I argue that while the Charter\u2019s application to inherent-right governments would amount to a limit on Aboriginal sovereignty, this is justifiable, in light of the fact that Aboriginal sovereignty should not be construed as absolute, and given the Supreme Court of Canada\u2019s assertion that the purpose of the Canadian Constitution\u2019s recognition of Aboriginal rights is reconciliation. I claim that requiring that the right of Aboriginal self-government be exercised in accordance with the Charter would further the goal of reconciliation, whereas allowing the right to be exercised irrespective of the requirements of the Charter would impede it. I thus conclude that the Charter should apply to inherent-right governments, although I stress that it should be applied in a flexible manner, in recognition of the fact that the proper safeguarding of rights can occur in different ways in different cultural contexts.<\/p>\n

Translated in French:
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

R\u00e9concilier les souverainet\u00e9s, r\u00e9concilier les peuples: La Charte Canadienne des droits et des libert\u00e9s devrait-elle s\u2019appliquer aux gouvernements autochtones de droit inh\u00e9rent ?<\/p>\n

La Charte Canadienne des droits et des libert\u00e9s devrait-elle pouvoir limiter les actions des gouvernements autochtones qui exercent leur \u2018droit inh\u00e9rent\u2019 \u00e0 l\u2019autonomie gouvernementale au Canada ? L\u2019application de la Charte \u00e0 ces gouvernements est-elle n\u00e9cessaire \u00e0 la pr\u00e9servation des droits humains de ceux qu\u2019ils gouvernent ou, au contraire, cela constituerait-il une violation de la souverainet\u00e9 autochtone qui ferait ind\u00fbment violence aux pratiques et traditions des communaut\u00e9s autochtones ? Cet article cherche \u00e0 contribuer au plus large d\u00e9bat sur la mani\u00e8re de balancer les droits de l\u2019individu avec les ceux des groupes en proposant une analyse m\u00e9thodique et lucide des forces et des faiblesses des arguments principaux rencontr\u00e9s dans la litt\u00e9rature \u00e0 la fois pour et contre l\u2019application de la Charte. J\u2019argumenterai que, bien que l\u2019application de la Charte aux gouvernements autochtones de droit inh\u00e9rent poserait une limite \u00e0 la souverainet\u00e9 autochtone, cette limitation est justifiable, puisque d\u2019une part la souverainet\u00e9 autochtone ne devrait pas \u00eatre entendue comme absolue, et que, de l\u2019autre, la Cour Supr\u00eame du Canada a affirm\u00e9 que le but de la reconnaissance des droits des autochtones dans la Constitution canadienne est la r\u00e9conciliation. J\u2019affirme que requ\u00e9rir que le droit \u00e0 l\u2019autonomie gouvernementale autochtone soit exerc\u00e9 conform\u00e9ment \u00e0 la Charte participerait \u00e0 la promotion la r\u00e9conciliation, alors qu\u2019au contraire permettre un exercice du droit ind\u00e9pendant des exigences de la Charte l\u2019entraverait. Je conclurai donc que la Charte devrait s\u2019appliquer aux gouvernements de droit inh\u00e9rent, toutefois je souligne abondamment le besoin que celle-ci soit appliqu\u00e9e de mani\u00e8re flexible, en reconnaissance du fait que la pr\u00e9servation appropri\u00e9e des droits peut prendre diverses formes au sein de divers contextes culturels.<\/p>\n

Translated in Spanish:<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00bfDeber\u00eda aplicarse la Carta de Derechos y Libertades de Canad\u00e1 para restringir la capacidad de los gobiernos ind\u00edgenas de ejercer el \u201cderecho inherente\u201d al autogobierno? \u00bfEs necesaria la aplicaci\u00f3n de la Carta a estos gobiernos para garantizar los derechos humanos de quienes gobiernan, o equivaldr\u00eda a una violaci\u00f3n de la soberan\u00eda ind\u00edgena que, en cualquier caso, violentar\u00eda indebidamente las pr\u00e1cticas y tradiciones culturales de las comunidades ind\u00edgenas?<\/p>\n

El presente art\u00edculo busca contribuir al debate m\u00e1s amplio sobre c\u00f3mo equilibrar los derechos individuales con los derechos de los grupos, mediante un an\u00e1lisis met\u00f3dico y claro de las fortalezas y debilidades de los principales argumentos encontrados en la literatura a favor y en contra de la aplicaci\u00f3n de la Carta.<\/p>\n

Sostengo que, si bien la aplicaci\u00f3n de la Carta a los gobiernos de derechos inherentes supondr\u00eda un l\u00edmite a la soberan\u00eda ind\u00edgena, el l\u00edmite es justificable, dado que la soberan\u00eda ind\u00edgena no debe interpretarse como absoluta y debido a la afirmaci\u00f3n del Tribunal Supremo del Canad\u00e1 que la reconciliaci\u00f3n es el prop\u00f3sito del reconocimiento de los derechos ind\u00edgenas en la Constituci\u00f3n canadiense.<\/p>\n

Afirmo que exigir que el ejercicio del derecho al autogobierno ind\u00edgena se ejerza de conformidad con la Carta promover\u00eda el objetivo de la reconciliaci\u00f3n, mientras permitir el ejercicio del derecho independientemente de los requisitos de la Carta lo impedir\u00eda. Por lo tanto, concluyo que la Carta debe aplicarse a los gobiernos de derechos inherentes, aunque recalco que debe aplicarse de manera flexible, reconociendo que la salvaguarda adecuada de los derechos puede ocurrir de maneras distintas en diferentes contextos culturales.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb0″ margin_bottom=\u00bb40″][vc_column_text]\n

Social Media and Change in International Humanitarian Law Dynamics<\/a><\/strong>
\nRosine Faucher \u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a><\/p>\n[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]Abstract<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

On August 15, 2017, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant against Mahmoud Mustafa Busayf Al-Werfalli. The pre-trial Chamber\u00a0founded most of its decision on social media-based\u00a0evidence\u00a0published by the Al-Saiqa Brigade\u2019s Media Centre. An unprecedented move. But what about new crisis maps that are put together during strife? Or the Kony2012 campaign? To be sure,\u00a0social media already punctually influences\u00a0the dynamics of IHL, requiring\u00a0this phenomenon to be analyzed in greater depth.\u00a0Do some particularities of the information available through social media have the potential to change the current state of IHL\u2019s monitoring, enforcement and prevention dynamics? This essay\u00a0aims to analyze how the nature of information, and who can create and access it, can impact\u00a0IHL.\u00a0This piece is meant to start a dialogue on a topical issue and initiate a reflection on its ramifications rather than present a definitive analysis. Accordingly, this essay sheds light on how social media and IHL are intertwined and explores how social media has the potential to change IHL in profound ways. It\u00a0is argued that\u00a0the type of information accessible through social media has\u00a0the potential to enhance the conflict prevention and monitoring capacities of different IHL actors, while also facilitating IHL enforcement. Finally, this piece provides recommendations to address the different challenges social media platforms present within the IHL context, including further research in specific areas.<\/p>\n

Translated in French:\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Le 15 Ao\u00fbt 2017, la Cour P\u00e9nale Internationale (CPI) \u00e9mit un mandat d\u2019arrestation contre Mahmoud Mustafa Busayf Al-Werfalli. Dans un geste sans pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent, la chambre pr\u00e9liminaire a fond\u00e9 sa d\u00e9cision en partie sur des preuves provenant de m\u00e9dias sociaux publi\u00e9es par le centre m\u00e9diatique de la Brigade d\u2019Al-Saiqa. Toutefois, qu\u2019en est-il des nouvelles cartographies de crise cr\u00e9\u00e9es pendant les conflits? De la campagne Kony2012? La mani\u00e8re dont les r\u00e9seaux sociaux ont gagn\u00e9 une influence ponctuelle dans les dynamiques du droit humanitaire internationale (DHI) requi\u00e8re une analyse en profondeur de ce ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne. Les particularit\u00e9s de l\u2019information rendue accessible par les r\u00e9seaux sociaux ont-elles le potentiel de changer l\u2019\u00e9tat actuel du DHI en termes de surveillance, de mise en \u0153uvre et de pr\u00e9vention? Cet essai tente d\u2019analyser comment la nature de l\u2019information, ainsi que qui la cr\u00e9\u00e9e et y a acc\u00e8s, peut influencer le DHI. Au lieu de pr\u00e9senter une analyse d\u00e9finitive, le but de cet essai est d\u2019entamer le dialogue sur cette question d\u2019actualit\u00e9 et d\u2019initier une r\u00e9flexion quant \u00e0 ses implications. Par cons\u00e9quent, il est mis en lumi\u00e8re les entrecroisements entre le DHI et les r\u00e9seaux sociaux, et explor\u00e9 comment ces derniers ont le potentiel de changer le DHI de fa\u00e7on consid\u00e9rable. Cet article soutient que le type d\u2019information accessible \u00e0 travers les r\u00e9seaux sociaux a le potentiel d\u2019am\u00e9liorer la pr\u00e9vention des conflits et les capacit\u00e9s d\u2019observation des diff\u00e9rents acteurs du DHI, tout en facilitant la mise en vigueur de ce dernier. Enfin, cet essai sugg\u00e8re des recommandations pour r\u00e9pondre aux d\u00e9fis pos\u00e9s par les r\u00e9seaux sociaux dans le contexte du DHI, y compris en mati\u00e8re de poursuite de recherches futures sur des aspects sp\u00e9cifiques.<\/p>\n

Translated in Spanish:<\/strong> <\/span><\/p>\n

El d\u00eda 15 de agosto de 2017, la Corte Penal Internacional emiti\u00f3 una orden de detenci\u00f3n contra Mahmoud Mustafa Busayf Al-Werfalli. La Sala de Cuestiones Preliminares se bas\u00f3 principalmente en una prueba obtenida mediante redes sociales. Esta fue publicada por el Centro de informaci\u00f3n medi\u00e1tica de la Brigada Al Saiqa. Sin duda se trata de una medida sin precedentes. \u00bfPero qu\u00e9 se puede decir acerca de los mapas de crisis agrupados durante conflictos? \u00bfO sobre la campa\u00f1a Kony2012? Lo cierto es que los medios y redes sociales ya tienen influencia sobre del Derecho internacional humanitario, lo que implica que este fen\u00f3meno sea analizado con mayor profundidad. O es que acaso \u00bfexisten ciertas particularidades de la informaci\u00f3n disponible en redes sociales que tiene el potencial de alterar el estado actual de la supervisi\u00f3n, aplicaci\u00f3n y prevenci\u00f3n del Derecho internacional humanitario? Este ensayo tiene como objetivo analizar la naturaleza de la informaci\u00f3n con la que se cuenta, qui\u00e9n la puede crear y qui\u00e9n puede acceder a la misma, as\u00ed como el impacto que esto tiene en el Derecho internacional humanitario. Asimismo, pretende constituir el inicio de un dialogo sobre temas de actualidad y dar lugar a reflexiones sobre sus ramificaciones en lugar de presentar un an\u00e1lisis definitivo. Por consiguiente, este ensayo arroja luz sobre c\u00f3mo los medios sociales y el Derecho internacional humanitario interact\u00faan, y explora si los medios sociales tienen o no el potencial de cambiar el Derecho internacional humanitario de manera profunda. En ese sentido, se sostiene que el tipo de informaci\u00f3n disponible en medios sociales tiene el potencial de mejorar la prevenci\u00f3n de conflictos y la capacidad de supervisi\u00f3n por varios actores del Derecho internacional humanitario, a la vez que facilita su aplicaci\u00f3n. Por \u00faltimo, este ensayo propone recomendaciones para hacer frente a los desaf\u00edos que presentan las plataformas de medios sociales en contextos de conflicto armado, incluyendo mayores investigaciones en campos espec\u00edficos.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb0″][vc_column_text]\n

BOOK REVIEW: Jean d\u2019Aspremont, International Law as a Belief System<\/b><\/a>
\n<\/span>Adrien Habermacher \u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a><\/p>\n[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]\n

In his latest monograph, Jean d\u2019Aspremont argues that the way in which international lawyers think about and practice international law can be perceived as a belief system. This system is based on certain fundamental doctrines, such as sources, responsibility, statehood, interpretation, jus cogens. These doctrines comprise rules and rest on an imagined genealogy. The belief system also relies on self-referentiality to justify its different components, and creates an experienced sense of constraint among international lawyers. d\u2019Aspremont focuses on the discourses in the field of international law to expose their structure and reveal the often fictive connections they entertain, with the historical developments that gave birth to them. Despite the complexity of presenting overlapping notions, d\u2019Aspremont offers convincing and well supported claims. Understanding his arguments, however, often requires familiarity with the theoretical debates surrounding certain notions and instruments. Most importantly, previous exposure to the practice of international legal argumentation is necessary to make sense of the author\u2019s assertions. The author does not advocate for radical reform of the way we practice international law; rather, he invites us to suspend our entanglement in this set of beliefs as a reflective exercise. The readers will have to decide for themselves whether this leads them to reform or entrench current international law paradigms. They can, however, seize the analytical tools proposed by d\u2019Aspremont to better understand their own practice, improve the effectiveness of their own practice, and teach the art to the next generation of international lawyers.<\/span><\/p>\n

Translated in French:\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Dans sa plus r\u00e9cente monographie, Jean d\u2019Aspremont soutient que la mani\u00e8re dont les juristes sp\u00e9cialistes en droit international pensent et pratiquent celui-ci peut \u00eatre per\u00e7ue comme un syst\u00e8me de croyances. Ce syst\u00e8me est bas\u00e9 sur certaines doctrines fondamentales, tels que les sources, la responsabilit\u00e9, l\u2019\u00e9tat, l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation, et le jus cogens. Ces doctrines comprennent des r\u00e8gles et s\u2019appuyent sur une g\u00e9n\u00e9alogie imaginaire. Le syst\u00e8me de croyances est aussi bas\u00e9 sur l\u2019auto-r\u00e9f\u00e9rentialit\u00e9 pour justifier ses divers composants, et cr\u00e9e un sentiment de contrainte parmi les juristes du droit international. d\u2019Aspremont met l\u2019accent sur les discours dans le champ du droit international pour en exposer la structure et pour r\u00e9v\u00e9ler les liens souvent fictifs qu\u2019ils entretiennent avec les d\u00e9veloppements historiques qui leur ont donn\u00e9 naissance. Malgr\u00e9 la complexit\u00e9 inh\u00e9rente \u00e0 la superposition de plusieurs notions, d\u2019Aspremont offre des affirmations convaincantes et bien fond\u00e9es. Comprendre ses arguments, cependant, requiert souvent une certaine familiarit\u00e9 avec les d\u00e9bats th\u00e9oriques autour de certaines notions et instruments. Encore plus important, une exposition pr\u00e9alable \u00e0 la pratique de l\u2019argumentation internationale juridique est n\u00e9cessaire pour donner du sens aux affirmations de l\u2019auteur. L\u2019auteur ne pr\u00f4ne pas pour une r\u00e9forme radicale de la mani\u00e8re dont nous pratiquons le droit international; au contraire, il nous invite \u00e0 suspendre notre enchev\u00eatrement dans cet ensemble de croyances comme un exercice r\u00e9flectif. Les lecteurs devront d\u00e9cider par eux-m\u00eames si cela les am\u00e8ne \u00e0 reformer ou confirmer les paradigmes contemporains du droit international. Ils peuvent cependant se saisir des outils analytiques propos\u00e9s par d\u2019Aspremont pour mieux comprendre leur propre pratique, am\u00e9liorer l\u2019effectivit\u00e9 de celle-ci, et enseigner ce savoir-faire aux futures g\u00e9n\u00e9rations de juristes en droit international.<\/span><\/p>\n

Translated in Spanish:<\/span><\/p>\n

En su m\u00e1s reciente monograf\u00eda, Jean d\u2019Aspremont\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>se\u00f1ala que la manera en la que los juristas internacionales\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>piensan y practican el derecho internacional puede ser percibida como un sistema de creencias. Este sistema est\u00e1 basado en ciertas doctrinas fundamentales, como las fuentes, la responsabilidad, la categor\u00eda de estado, la interpretaci\u00f3n y el jus cogens. Estas doctrinas comprenden ciertas reglas y permanecen en una genealog\u00eda imaginada. El sistema de creencias tambi\u00e9n se basa en una auto-referencialidad con el fin de justificar sus componentes, y crea un permanente sentido de restricci\u00f3n en los juristas internacionales. D\u2019Aspremont se enfoca en los discursos en el campo del derecho internacional para exponer sus estructuras y revelar las frecuentemente ficticias conexiones que ellas presentan con los desarrollos hist\u00f3ricos que les dieron nacimiento. A pesar de la complejidad y de las nociones superpuestas, d\u2019Aspremont ofrece pretensiones convincentes y bien fundadas. Entender sus argumentos requiere sin embargo, de un nivel de familiaridad con los debates te\u00f3ricos que giran en torno a ciertas nociones e instrumentos. A\u00fan m\u00e1s importante, una exposici\u00f3n previa a la pr\u00e1ctica de la argumentaci\u00f3n legal internacional es necesaria para entender las proposiciones del autor. El autor no advoca por una reforma radical de la manera como practicamos el derecho internacional; por el contrario, nos invita a suspender nuestros enredos en este conjunto de creencias como un ejercicio de reflexi\u00f3n. Los lectores tendr\u00e1n que decidir por ellos mismos si el art\u00edculo los lleva a reformar o a afianzar los paradigmas actuales de derecho internacional. Ellos pueden sin embargo, tomar las herramientas anal\u00edticas propuestas por d\u2019Aspremont para entender mejor su propia pr\u00e1ctica, mejorar la efectividad de su propia pr\u00e1ctica, y ense\u00f1ar el arte a la siguiente generaci\u00f3n de juristas internacionales.<\/span><\/p>\n[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb0″][vc_column_text]\n

The Unrestrained Corporatization and Professionalization of the Human Rights Field<\/strong><\/a>
\nJ. Sebasti\u00e1n Rodr\u00edguez-Alarc\u00f3n and Valentina Montoya-Robledo \u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>[Download PDF]<\/a><\/p>\n[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]Human Rights organizations are increasingly becoming professionalized and corporatized. These two characteristics might be problematic as many Human Rights lawyers and organizations may have an ambitious socially driven vision, but struggle to find a balance between economic and social value. If this problem is not solved in time, it could limit the possibility for Human Rights lawyers and organizations to achieve substantial transformations in terms of justice and equality. Based on the revision of literature and ten semi-structured interviews conducted between June 2014 through May 2017 with Human Rights lawyers from North America, Europe, and Latin America, we describe how excessive professionalization and corporatization can take place at two levels: 1) law schools, where disproportionate professionalization and corporatization end up reinforcing privilege and egos, as well as Human Rights work that is only partially critical, while producing legal advocates with good intentions but narrow possibilities for substantial change; and 2) in Human Rights legal practice, where robust negative corporate governance structures and cultures of dominance are replicated in a disproportionate manner at Human Rights institutions, losing sight of substantial change in the conditions that account for the vulnerability of particular communities. We provide possible solutions for the challenges that Human Rights advocates, international organizations, governments, philanthropists, global nonprofits, medium-size nonprofits, grass-roots organizations, law firms, and academia face in relation to the excessive corporatization and professionalization of the field. We propose a set of pragmatic legal, policy, behavioural, economic, and organizational solutions to help promote the work of Human Rights lawyers and organizations in current world affairs to their full potential.<\/p>\n

French translation<\/em><\/p>\n

Les organisations des droits de la personne sont de plus en plus constitu\u00e9es en soci\u00e9t\u00e9s et professionnalis\u00e9es. Ces deux caract\u00e9ristiques peuvent \u00eatre probl\u00e9matiques puisque de nombreux avocats et organisations des droits de la personne ont une vision sociale ambitieuse, mais doivent \u00e0 la fois s\u2019efforcer de trouver un \u00e9quilibre avec des consid\u00e9rations \u00e9conomiques. Si cette probl\u00e9matique n\u2019est pas r\u00e9solue, cela pourrait fortement limiter la capacit\u00e9 des avocats et des organisations des droits de la personne d\u2019effectuer des transformations substantielles en termes de justice et d\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9. En nous fondant sur notre analyse de la litt\u00e9rature ainsi que de dix entretiens semi-structur\u00e9s men\u00e9s entre juin 2014 et mai 2017 avec des avocats des droits de la personne provenant d\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Nord, d\u2019Europe et d\u2019Am\u00e9rique Latine, nous d\u00e9crivons comment la professionnalisation et la privatisation excessives peuvent se produire \u00e0 deux niveaux : 1) les facult\u00e9s de droit, o\u00f9 la professionnalisation et la privatisation disproportionn\u00e9es renforcent ultimement le privil\u00e8ge et l\u2019\u00e9go, ainsi que les travaux reli\u00e9s aux droits de la personne qui manquent de sens critique. Tout en formant des avocats avec de bonnes intentions, l\u2019approche des facult\u00e9s diminue la possibilit\u00e9 de changements substantiels; et 2) dans la pratique juridique des droits de la personne, o\u00f9 les structures de gouvernance d\u2019entreprise et la culture de dominance sont reproduites de fa\u00e7on disproportionn\u00e9e dans les institutions des droits de la personne. Les entreprises perdent alors de vue les changements importants qui seraient n\u00e9cessaires concernant les probl\u00e9matiques au fondement de la vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9 de certaines communaut\u00e9s. Nous fournissons des solutions possibles aux d\u00e9fis que les d\u00e9fenseurs des droits de la personne, les organisations internationales, les gouvernements, les philanthropes, les organisations \u00e0 but non lucratif, les organisations locales, les cabinets d\u2019avocats et les universit\u00e9s rencontrent. Nous proposons un ensemble de solutions juridiques, politiques, comportementales, \u00e9conomiques, organisationnelles et pragmatiques qui permettront de promouvoir \u00e0 leur plein potentiel le travail des avocats et des organisations des droits de la personne les affaires internationales actuelles.<\/p>\n

Spanish translation<\/em><\/p>\n

Las organizaciones de derechos humanos se han vuelto cada vez profesionalizadas y corporativas. Estas dos caracter\u00edsticas pueden acarrear ciertos problemas ya que, aunque muchos abogados y organizaciones dedicadas a los derechos humanos tienen una visi\u00f3n social ambiciosa, es dif\u00edcil para ellos encontrar un balance entre el valor econ\u00f3mico y social. Si este problema no es resuelto a tiempo, esto podr\u00eda limitar la posibilidad que tienen los abogados y organizaciones de derechos humanos de alcanzar transformaciones sustanciales en t\u00e9rminos de justicia y equidad. Basados en una revisi\u00f3n de literatura y diez entrevistas semiestructuradas realizadas entre junio 2014 y mayo 2017 a abogados de derechos humanos en Norteam\u00e9rica, Europa y Latinoam\u00e9rica, describimos c\u00f3mo la profesionalizaci\u00f3n y corporatizaci\u00f3n excesivas se llevan a cabo en dos niveles: 1) en las facultades de derecho, donde la profesionalizaci\u00f3n y corporatizaci\u00f3n terminan reforzando privilegios y egos, y donde el trabajo en derechos humanos es importante solo parcialmente; y 2) en la pr\u00e1ctica legal de derechos humanos, donde estructuras robustas de gobernanza corporativa y cultura de dominancia se replican de manera desproporcionada en instituciones de derechos humanos, perdiendo de vista los cambios sustanciales en las condiciones de vulnerabilidad de determinadas comunidades. Presentamos posibles soluciones para los desaf\u00edos a los que abogados en Derechos Humanos, organizaciones internacionales, organizaciones de base, gobiernos, fil\u00e1ntropos, organizaciones sin \u00e1nimo de lucro globales y de rango medio, firmas de abogados y la academia se enfrentan en relaci\u00f3n con la excesiva profesionalizaci\u00f3n y corporatizaci\u00f3n de este campo. Proponemos un conjunto de soluciones pragm\u00e1ticas legales, pol\u00edticas, conductuales, econ\u00f3micas y organizacionales para ayudar a promover en todo su potencial el trabajo de abogados y organizaciones de derechos humanos en el mundo corporativo actual.[\/mk_toggle][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row id=\u00bbtoc\u00bb][vc_column css=\u00bb.vc_custom_1477366240977{padding: 35px !important;background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}\u00bb][vc_column_text]\n

Vol\u00famen 1 | N\u00famero 2:\u00a0Apropiaci\u00f3n (in)tangible en la esfera internacional<\/h1>\n[\/vc_column_text][mk_button dimension=\u00bbflat\u00bb corner_style=\u00bbrounded\u00bb size=\u00bblarge\u00bb url=\u00bbhttps:\/\/intergentes.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/issue-2-v3.pdf\u00bb]Descargar n\u00famero completo[\/mk_button][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb0″][vc_column_text]\n

Indice<\/strong><\/h2>\n

When Cultural Property Becomes a Tool of Warfare: Law, Politics, and International Security<\/a>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/strong>
\n<\/strong>Helga Turku \u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong>[Descargar art\u00edculo]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>[T\u00e9l\u00e9charger l\u2019article]<\/a>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]Cultural property has increasingly become a target and a means of war used by extremists. The persistent cultural destruction and looting in the Middle East by ISIS is a new feature in the pathology of a radical group\u2019s behaviour toward cultural property. ISIS has both profited from the sale of antiquities and has used the destruction of cultural property as a means to dismantle the existence of nations and states. Prosecuting those who seek to sell antiquities to help finance terrorism should be part of the short-term security agenda. At the same time, future efforts for national reconciliation and peace-building will have to include narratives of a proud and rich past. As such, protection of cultural property is an important element for the long-term security in the region and beyond.<\/p>\n

French translation<\/em><\/p>\n

Les biens culturels sont devenus de plus en plus un objectif et un moyen de guerre utilis\u00e9 par les extr\u00e9mistes. La destruction et le pillage culturels persistants au Moyen-Orient par ISIS est une nouvelle caract\u00e9ristique de la pathologie du comportement d’un groupe radical envers les biens culturels. ISIS a profit\u00e9 de la vente des antiquit\u00e9s et a utilis\u00e9 la destruction des biens culturels comme un moyen de d\u00e9manteler l’existence des nations et des \u00c9tats. La poursuite de ceux qui cherchent \u00e0 vendre des antiquit\u00e9s pour aider \u00e0 financer le terrorisme devrait faire partie du programme de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 \u00e0 court terme. En m\u00eame temps, les efforts futurs pour la r\u00e9conciliation nationale et la consolidation de la paix devront inclure des r\u00e9cits d’un pass\u00e9 fier et riche. En tant que telle, la protection des biens culturels est un \u00e9l\u00e9ment important pour la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 \u00e0 long terme dans la r\u00e9gion et dans le monde.<\/p>\n

Spanish translation<\/em><\/p>\n

Los extremistas han convertido el patrimonio cultural en un objetivo cada vez m\u00e1s frecuente de sus ataques y en un arma de guerra. La continuada destrucci\u00f3n y expoliaci\u00f3n del patrimonio cultural en Oriente Pr\u00f3ximo por parte del Estado Isl\u00e1mico es una novedad en la patolog\u00eda del comportamiento de los grupos extremistas con respecto al patrimonio cultural. En este art\u00edculo se postula que los ataques al patrimonio cultural deber\u00edan formar parte del orden del d\u00eda de los planes seguridad tanto a corto como a largo plazo. El Estado Isl\u00e1mico se ha enriquecido con la venta de antig\u00fcedades y ha utilizado la destrucci\u00f3n del patrimonio cultural como un medio para acabar con la existencia de naciones y estados, por eso, la persecuci\u00f3n de aquellos que quieren utilizar la venta de antig\u00fcedades para financiar el terrorismo deber\u00eda formar parte de los planes de seguridad a corto plazo. Al mismo tiempo, los futuros esfuerzos de reconciliaci\u00f3n nacional y consolidaci\u00f3n de la paz deber\u00edan tener en consideraci\u00f3n el rico y orgulloso pasado de los pa\u00edses afectados. Adem\u00e1s, la protecci\u00f3n del patrimonio cultural en s\u00ed mismo es un elemento importante para la seguridad a largo plazo dentro y fuera de la regi\u00f3n.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbthin_solid\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb10″][vc_column_text]The Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage According to the 2003 Unesco Convention: The Case of The First Nations of Canada\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/strong>
\n<\/strong>Tullio Scovazzi and Laura Westra \u00a0 \u00a0[Descargar art\u00edculo]<\/a>\u00a0 [Download PDF]<\/a><\/span>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]The paper aims at providing an overview of the rules of international law applicable to the protection of the intangible cultural heritage, as defined in the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, adopted in 2003 within the framework of the UNESCO and today in force for 174 States. The paper elaborates on the definition of the intangible cultural heritage and its main components \u2014 an element of intangible cultural heritage, a community of people and a cultural space \u2014 and makes some remarks on two questions that were deliberately left aside from the scope of the Convention, namely the rights of indigenous peoples and the relationship between the intangible cultural heritage and intellectual property rights. Consideration is finally given to the special case of the First Nations of Canada, who are the bearers of an important intangible cultural heritage.<\/p>\n

French translation<\/em><\/p>\n

L\u2019article vise \u00e0 donner un aper\u00e7u des r\u00e8gles du droit international applicables \u00e0 la protection du patrimoine culturel immat\u00e9riel, tel que d\u00e9fini dans la Convention pour la Sauvegarde du Patrimoine Culturel Immat\u00e9riel, adopt\u00e9e en 2003 dans le cadre de l’UNESCO et aujourd’hui en vigueur pour 174 \u00c9tats. L\u2019article \u00e9labore la d\u00e9finition du patrimoine culturel immat\u00e9riel et ses composantes principales – un \u00e9l\u00e9ment du patrimoine culturel immat\u00e9riel, une communaut\u00e9 de personnes et un espace culturel – et fait quelques remarques sur deux questions qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9lib\u00e9r\u00e9ment \u00e9cart\u00e9es du champ d’application de la Convention, \u00e0 savoir les droits des peuples autochtones et la relation entre le patrimoine culturel immat\u00e9riel et les droits de propri\u00e9t\u00e9 intellectuelle. Enfin, l’article terminera par traiter du cas sp\u00e9cial des Premi\u00e8res Nations du Canada, qui sont les porteurs d’un important patrimoine culturel immat\u00e9riel.<\/p>\n

Spanish translation<\/em><\/p>\n

En este art\u00edculo se pretende ofrecer un panorama general de las normas del derecho internacional aplicables a la protecci\u00f3n del patrimonio cultural inmaterial, tal y como est\u00e1 definido en la Convenci\u00f3n para la Salvaguardia del Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial, aprobada en 2003 por la Unesco y actualmente en vigor en 174 estados. Asimismo, se trata m\u00e1s en profundidad la definici\u00f3n de patrimonio cultural inmaterial y sus principales componentes \u2014un elemento del patrimonio cultural inmaterial, una comunidad de personas y un espacio cultural\u2014 y se formulan algunas observaciones sobre dos cuestiones deliberadamente excluidas del marco de la Convenci\u00f3n y que son los derechos de los pueblos ind\u00edgenas y la relaci\u00f3n entre el patrimonio cultural inmaterial y los derechos de propiedad intelectual. Por \u00faltimo, se considera el caso especial de las Primeras Naciones de Canad\u00e1, que son portadoras de un importante patrimonio cultural inmaterial.[\/mk_toggle][mk_divider style=\u00bbthin_solid\u00bb margin_top=\u00bb10″][vc_column_text]The Misplaced Emphasis on the Intangible Dimension of Cultural Heritage in the Al Mahdi Case at the ICC<\/a>
\n<\/strong>Marina Lostal\u00a0 \u00a0<\/strong>\u00a0[Descargar art\u00edculo]<\/a><\/span> \u00a0 [T\u00e9l\u00e9charger l\u2019article]<\/a>
\n<\/span>[\/vc_column_text][mk_toggle style=\u00bbfancy\u00bb title=\u00bbLeer resumen\u00bb]The proceedings against Al Mahdi constitute a landmark precedent in the prosecution of crimes against cultural heritage, inside and outside the International Criminal Court. This article examines the Prosecution\u2019s overarching strategy at the confirmation of charges stage, where emphasis was placed on the consequences that the destruction of the shrines in Timbuktu had for the local population. It is suggested that this anthropocentric line of reasoning was historically inaccurate and strategically short-sighted. Using the example of the destruction of the Buddhas of Bamiyan, the article explains how, in the long run, this anthropocentric approach can restrict the capacity to prosecute crimes committed against cultural heritage per se, and undermine the conceptual foundation for the special protection given to cultural property.<\/p>\n

French translation<\/em><\/p>\n

L\u2019affaire Al Mahdi constitue un pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent historique dans la poursuite des crimes contre le patrimoine culturel, tant pour la Cour P\u00e9nale Internationale que pour les autres instances. Cet article examine la strat\u00e9gie globale de l\u2019Accusation au stade de la confirmation des charges, o\u00f9 l\u2019accent a \u00e9t\u00e9 mis sur les cons\u00e9quences pour la population locale qu\u2019a entra\u00een\u00e9es la destruction des sanctuaires de Tombouctou. L\u2019article sugg\u00e8re que le raisonnement anthropocentrique qui sous-tend cet argumentaire est historiquement sans fondement et qu\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019une strat\u00e9gie peu clairvoyante. \u00c0 l\u2019aide de l\u2019exemple de la destruction des bouddhas de B\u00e2miy\u00e2n, l\u2019article explique comment, \u00e0 long terme, cette approche anthropocentrique peut restreindre la capacit\u00e9 de poursuivre les auteurs de crimes visant sp\u00e9cifiquement le patrimoine culturel et miner le fondement conceptuel du r\u00e9gime de protection propre aux biens culturels.<\/p>\n

Spanish translation<\/em><\/p>\n

El proceso contra Al Mahdi supone un precedente hist\u00f3rico en la persecuci\u00f3n de los cr\u00edmenes contra el patrimonio cultural, dentro y fuera de la Corte Penal Internacional. Este art\u00edculo examina la estrategia global de la fiscal\u00eda en la fase de confirmaci\u00f3n de los cargos, en la que se puso \u00e9nfasis en las consecuencias que la destrucci\u00f3n de los templos de Tombuct\u00fa tuvo para la poblaci\u00f3n local. El art\u00edculo sugiere que este razonamiento antropocentrista fue inexacto hist\u00f3ricamente y corto de miras desde un punto de vista estrat\u00e9gico. Tomando como ejemplo de la destrucci\u00f3n de los budas de Bamiy\u00e1n, el art\u00edculo explica c\u00f3mo, a largo plazo, este enfoque antropoc\u00e9ntrico puede restringir la capacidad de perseguir cr\u00edmenes cometidos contra el patrimonio cultural per se<\/i>, as\u00ed como socavar las bases conceptuales de la protecci\u00f3n especial que se debe dar al patrimonio cultural.[\/mk_toggle][vc_column_text][\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][mk_divider style=\u00bbpadding_space\u00bb margin_bottom=\u00bb10″][mk_social_networks size=\u00bbxx-large\u00bb style=\u00bbcircle\u00bb margin=\u00bb10″ icon_color=\u00bb#ffffff\u00bb icon_hover_color=\u00bb#49a09b\u00bb align=\u00bbcenter\u00bb facebook=\u00bbhttps:\/\/www.facebook.com\/mcgill.intergentes\u00bb twitter=\u00bbhttps:\/\/twitter.com\/intergentes\u00bb linkedin=\u00bbhttps:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/company\/inter-gentes\u00bb][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]\n<\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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